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Academia Interviews United States of America

“It’s for those interested in histories of the environment (obviously), capitalism, and specifically climate and energy.” Interview with Robert Suits, author of “The Hobo”

Robert Suits, author of The Hobo: A History of America’s First Climate Migrants answers some questions

  1. Who are you – where did you grow up, what contact did you have with ‘nature’? (There’s good evidence to suggest that the main determinant of people getting properly switched on to environmental issues is unstructured play with minimal supervision in nature before age 11).

I grew up in the North Woods of North America—the band of mixed forest that stretches across Ontario, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Minnesota—and within biking or driving distance of Lake Superior. It’s a stunningly beautiful place, but the landscape wears many scars that are just under the surface—in the neighborhood I grew up in, all the trees are the same age, and some of them take root in a kind of slate gray soil made of crushed mine rock. It is a landscape rich with nonhuman life, but it is extraordinarily anthropogenic.

I remembering writing something back when I was 15 or so that mused on all of these things, on the many walks and hikes and drives that I had taken through the continent—saying that these were the reasons I had become an environmentalist. I still think that’s probably true. Doubtless, they are a big part of why I became an environmental historian, too.

2) Tell us a little about your academic background – undergrad what where why, ditto for masters and PhD.

I grew up in an academic family—both my parents were scientists. And I went to a small college for my undergraduate degree (Amherst College, in New England), and loved it. There were a lot of draws for me at the time (and I was extremely lucky to have a family who encouraged me to do essentially whatever I wanted for my undergraduate)—the size, the setting, an open curriculum, and so on. Though I’ve always loved reading history books, I went in as a music major, wrote my senior thesis in it, and only picked up history as a double major.

While graduate school had certainly been a possibility, it took me several years to apply. I was disappointed with non-academic work, and though I figured there wouldn’t be a job at the other end of a history PhD, it would be a nice way to spend six years writing a book. In the end, I ended up with a book and a wonderful job.

It was a rocky path. I ended up switching my supervisor quite early on, and both my new advisors and my fellow PhD students radically changed my approach to history in a number of ways (a much bigger focus on labor and capitalism). I also think I probably came out the other end a better person—or at least a more thoughtful one. A couple of postdocs later, I’ve ended up at UCL.

3) In a nutshell (sorry!) what does your book – The Hobo: A History of America’s First Climate Migrants (Princeton University Press, 2026) – argue, and where did it “come from” – what gaps in the previous understandings was it filling, what ‘myths’ is it overthrowing, or at the least complicating?

Hobos were migrant workers because of an unpredictable climate and a steam-powered energy regime.

When we say “hobos,” we mean a group of long-distance migrant workers in the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century U.S., who moved seasonally between cities and the countryside. They existed in quasi-legal—really, mostly-illegal—spaces in the American West, dodging railroad police and working handshake contracts for bad bosses and rare but substantial payment.

And they existed for two reasons: First, the extraction industries hobos worked in had enormous year-to-year variability because of the climatic unpredictability of the American West. Employers never knew how many laborers they would need in a given season, so they hired migrants to plug the gaps. Second, no one managed to automate these industries, in large part because steam engines were big, bulky, and slow, unable to help much with harvesting wheat, cutting lumber, or construction. You needed human muscle power.

In the end, with new energy forms that could support much more miniaturized power, employers needed far fewer workers, and the mass migrant class vanished within basically a single decade.

I suppose relatively few people have thought about migrants environmentally. But this argument is less about gaps, and more about connecting disparate histories and asking what it means to consider them all together. Hobos are wonderful subjects in part because they travel so widely and work in so many different sectors—if you look through their eyes, you can see basically every industry of the American West at the same time.

4) Some readers will be thinking “but if you’re ‘rootless’ and have no love of/incentive of a particular place, then surely your attitude is going to be ‘use it up, move on’ – hardly an ecological example” – how would you respond?

There’s quite a number of ways I might respond to that. For one, some hobos often did love the environments they passed through—that was one big reason to go on frankly impractical cross-country trips in the first place. (Still is, as my own photo rolls can testify.) And their work absolutely orbited extraction and exhaustion, but this wasn’t really because they were rootless—it’s the other way around. Their work, and hobos themselves, moved rapidly to follow new and unexploited resources. In the end, pretty much everyone in the American West participated in this economy of relentless extraction—including farmers and ranchers whose families put down roots (ha, pun) for generations.

5) What were your favourite and least favourite bits of the process? 

I love writing. Putting together everything into a narrative is a delight—from the outlining to the drafting to the chucking it in a bin and starting over. Writing a book is hard work; writing one that you like is nearly impossible. But I enjoy the challenge.

6) Who should read it (well, obviously, everyone should) and why? How would it help us make sense of our current and near future dilemmas/trilemmas/quadlemmas/n-lemmas?

You nailed it—it’s a book for absolutely everyone.

I really did try to write a book that basically anyone can pick up and read. That said, outside of people who want to read about hobos for their own sake, I think it’s for those interested in histories of the environment (obviously), capitalism, and specifically climate and energy. I think it’s also startlingly relevant to people who want to think about our own climate crisis.

Hobos faced an unstable climate and an energy transition, all while dealing with extremely precarious employment and threats of automation. In some industries, hobos were spectacularly unsuccessful in facing these challenges, and essentially disappeared from the workforce. In other industries, they successfully mobilized to defend labor and reduce precarity for everyone. Overall, their best moments came out of solidarity, and their worst out of prejudice and infighting.

As I write in the book, the situation hobos found themselves in doesn’t precisely map onto the one we face in the present day. Their climate disasters weren’t anthropogenic; the world was still being connected; the energy systems were different. But if you want to read a book showing how climate change and energy transitions changed life for the most destitute people in a society, read this one.

7) What next for you? What’s the next project?

It’s taken me a long time to come to terms with the fact that, although I’m a very fast writer on the day-to-day, projects seem to take a while. Writing is by far the fastest and most fun part of a book project for me; research is where I really tend to sweat it out and tinker with things for years. All of which is to say—there are a few different things that are brewing, including a probable second monograph on energy and American settler colonialism, but that and the others will all take a while to see the light of day.

8) Anything else you’d like to say.

Buy my book, of course! It’s quite affordable! Bookshop.org (US), (UK), or from the PUP website! (And the usual exhortations that requesting it at libraries, buying it from brick-and-mortar stores, and leaving reviews, are all great ways to help it out.)

Categories
Activism Australia

Event report: “How to create a cooler, greener and wilder Unley” Monday 20 April 2026.

Over thirty people gathered on Monday night to hear from four highly-engaged (1) and deeply knowledgeable speakers on the question of what is being done/can be done on biodiversity in Adelaide in the era of accelerating climate change.

The event was organized (very capably indeed) by Unley Voices for Climate Action.

After a brief welcome to country (2) and scene-setting,  four speakers each had fifteen minutes to explain what is going on.

The first three were from Green Adelaide, a state government created and funded body which is “working towards a cooler, greener, wilder and climate-resilient Adelaide that celebrates our unique culture.”

 They were 

  • Sarah White, Regional Data Officer for Green Adelaide
  • Dr Sheryn Pitman, Urban Greening Lead
  • Natalya Giffney, Sustainable Urban Communities Officer

 They were followed by Di Salvi, the lead Climate and Sustainability officer from Unley Council, who gave an overview of what has been done/is planned locally.

 (I took copious notes, but have doubtless got things wrong/mangled them, and will update accordingly).

Ms White kicked things off with a numbers-heavy (because numbers is what she does!) presentation that highlighted the work that has been undertaken to map – down to a house level, where the trees are, what they are, and what benefits accrue (especially in terms of their cooling effect).

In the brief Q&A for her talk she expanded on this – the Green Adelaide survey also captures the understory coverage (which is particularly important for biodiversity).

She was asked how frequently the surveys were done. The work is very resource intensive, and – if I got this right – it has been at four year intervals, with another survey just completed. 

Dr Sheryn Pitman delved more into the overall strategies underlying the Green Adelaide effort, including the recently announced Urban Greening Strategy.  

Tree coverage varies widely in the 17 (or 18, depending on how you count) areas covered by Green Adelaide (the Adelaide Hills is not included), from 1.7percent in Seaford to 52% in Waterfall Gully.  There’s a target for 30% across the whole metropolitan area, but of course, they also have to look at species diversity for “future proofing” against disease etc (see my question at the end).

There are a plethora of three and four letter acronyms in all this, and a favourite is surely the Greater Adelaide Regional Plan, or GARP.  Surely we all remember John Irving’s novel The World According to Garp? And the film with Robin Williams, Glenn Close and John “bitten off in a Buick” Lithgow? No, is it just me? Sigh.

There are also BSUDs and WSUDs (biodiversity sensitive urban design and water sensitive urban design respectively). The former includes everything from wildlife corridors to bird-friendly window glass.

In the Q&A the thorny question of what actual powers Green Adelaide has at its disposal was raised, but deferred (see further down the blog post)…

The third presentation, from Nat Giffney, brought it to the nuts and bolts of what is being done and can be done by individuals and communities. Reflecting on the point that Adelaide was – before the settlers turned up – a particular biodiversity hotspot, with grassland, heathland, wetlands etc etc, Giffney said that “we need to use every little parcel of land. The starting (but not finishing) question was “what once grew where you live?”  She explained that the Green Adelaide website allows you to find out, but typing in “native plants.”

She pointed out that tree hollows, useful for possums and birds, take a very very long time to form, and bigged up the work of volunteers who spend many hours removing agapanthus, which overtakes native species.

[Such is the history of introduced species – at this point I was put in mind of the wonderful concept of “biological cringe”, developed by environmental historian Tom Griffiths] See also here.

Biodiversity is, though we often fail to see it, is essential for the health of well, everything, and the ability to ‘bounce back’ (or to a different state) following floods, droughts etc. [see also though, ‘the great simplification’ and the Sixth Extinction].

So, we need plants at different heights and densities, lizard lounges, frog bogs and all the rest of it. The final plea was to make sure that bird baths are out of reach of predators, and cleaned regularly.  

Right, before we continue with the rest of the report, a request. If you are reading this, there is a non-trivial chance you were living in Adelaide in the 1970s, and active on environmental matters. If so – and especially if you were involved in the campaign to get a deposit scheme going for beverage containers – I would like to interview you.  ALSO, if anyone knows anything about M. Allen of Malvern, who wrote this letter to the Advertiser, published on December 14 1973, please get in touch.

Sir – One reads (“Advertiser,” 11/12/73) of the Australian Government’s interest in entering the car manufacturing industry of the Miners’ Federation move towards development of a national trade union policy to conserve energy resources, of the prediction of the British National Development Council that the energy crisis will probably halve the growth of world trade and the fear of the Member for Angas (Mr. Giles) that future petroleum shortages may affect all of us as private individuals and the business community. 

What none of these individuals or groups gives any consideration to is the fact that our past rapacious use of fossil fuels, both in industry and in the motor car, may well bring about changes in climate far more catastrophic to our way of life than shortage of fuel.

While conservation of energy resources is commendable, what is urgently needed is a complete reappraisal of our values and priorities and a thorough investigation of the long-term consequences of our actions in both the private and industrial sectors.

M. Allen

Malvern

Now, back to the report!!

Speaking last, Di Salvi of Unley Council had the hardest job – keeping the attention of the audience after a solid 50 minutes of very dense information. She managed it with aplomb, telling a compelling story about the Council’s efforts in creating more tree cover and wildlife cover (full disclosure, my late father, Mike Hudson, was a Councillor for many years, with an interest in ‘pocket parks’ before they were sexy).

Thermal sensors are available via the Unley Library catalogue, so you can take an inventory of your house and garden.

The Council did a “tree voucher lottery” skewed towards areas in Unley with less foliage, and this appears to have been a success, with fruit trees being particularly popular, and most of those planted still alive.

There are, of course, challenges

A micro-break to stretch legs and recombobulate from the large amount of information received was followed by a short and sweet Q and A.

The first question was “more of a comment” but – gasp, a short and pertinent one (it didn’t come from a man) – it was about the importance of night lighting and not making life hell for nocturnal creatures. The happy news is that not only is there a webinar on this (the webinar series “will beat Netflix”) but when Unley Council was replacing some lighting recently, they made sure the new stuff was wildlife friendly.

The second question was from me – I asked if thought had been given to the speed of climate change and what trees etc will survive the temperatures we are likely to be seeing in the year 2050 (which is only just around the corner). Pleasingly, the answer was an emphatic yes.

Treenet and 

Future Trees Report

“Are there priority species?” asked someone. Well, that’s complicated, because of course there is no one size fits all plan for such a wide variety of habitats. 

Someone gave a shout out to “GreyBox Day”, May 3rd.

The question of what actual power Green Adelaide had to enforce, rather than cajole, came up, and was fairly deftly dealt with (no legislative or budgetary power, but the kind of ‘soft power’ – data dependent – that can make some meaningful changes.) Until we institute the green eco-utopian government, that’s probably the best we can get? (as distinct from hope and plan for).

“What is being done about fake lawns?” asked someone. It turns out that some councils have banned them, and Sarah White pointed out that the data that Green Adelaide is able to provide about the cooling function of real lawns helps policymakers see the light.

An expert on climate extremes suggested that Green Adelaide run an educational campaign to inform people that the time to water their gardens is BEFORE the heatwave starts (once it has started your efforts will be pretty futile) and this was received with great enthusiasm by the Green Adelaide representatives.

 And then, very shortly after 9pm, the event was brought to a close.  Nicely done!

Dates for your diary

Btw – You can email the Unley folks on – uvforca@gmail.com

 May 3rd GreyBox Day

 May 18 – next meeting of the Unley for Climate Action crew.

Possibly June 1st for “virtual powerplants” meeting (about batteries alongside solar panels, and feeding back into the grid).

Random reflections

The event was urgently needed, for me at least. I needed something to restore my faith in “activism” – in the idea that people could put on an event that started on time, did what it said it would do and was generally efficiently and effectively run. (I won’t link to my rant about last Friday, but you can find it if you look)

What would I change? Very very little. Perhaps a ‘turn to a person you don’t know’ at the outset, and a ‘clap clinic’ style device for keeping people to time. If the speeches could have been recorded, that would be great for people who couldn’t attend (but this is labour intensive and the game may not be worth the candle!).  These are quibbles. It was a fine event, and lovely to see an all-female panel for once (fanel as opposed to manel?)

Footnotes

(1)     I would encourage everyone – but especially men writing about women – to avoid the word “passionate”. It is far too often code for “emotional/over-invested/unreliable” with shades of “hysterical.”  See also Malcolm X and the use of the word “articulate.” (And Chris Rock, for that matter).

(2)    It was a nice touch to flag that first nations people are reclaiming their language and fire practices and that “for 190 years they’ve put up with colonization.”

Update April 22.

Here are some links kindly sent through by the Green Adelaide folks

Local native plants | Green Adelaide

Green Adelaide Webinar recordings: Webinar – YouTube (this is where people can access ‘The colour of the night: wildlife sensitive lighting’, along with a lot of other topics).

Urban Heat and Tree Mapping Viewer Home

Urban Greening Strategy for Metro Adelaide | Green Adelaide

A guide for planting trees on small properties

Adelaide National Park City

Categories
Activism Australia

Event report/analysis: “It comes down to what your definition of ‘movement’ is”

The tl;dr – 

It comes down to what your definition of “movement” is.  

If you believe, as Adam Bandt and his colleagues seem to, that a movement is a bunch of people from a Big Organisation, jetting in from their HQ and standing on a stage, offering “hope,” authenticity and validation to ranks of people who are sat mutely in rows, wanting their (begging) bowls filled up, then Friday was another success in a long line of successes.

If you believe, as I and a few (many?) other people do, that a movement is made up of individuals, small groups, large groups, pulling mostly in the same direction, as frenemies, helping each other out, learning from each other, sharing ideas and resources, then Friday night was another catastrophic shit-show/missed opportunity in a world that can’t afford any more missed opportunities.

That’s it. That’s the post.

Read on at your peril. 

First let”s say the good stuff (because one of the standard response-but-not-replies is that I “never say anything positive” (1)

  • The event, at the Jam Factory on North Terrace, had a fair number (150? 175?) of people present (certainly slightly more than at Thursday’s rally).
  • Most of those people (but not all) seemed to enjoy themselves, and get what they wanted (or at least expected?)
  • They heard from some voices that are too rarely platformed (i.e. First Nations people)
  • Er…
  • That’s it

Not much, is it? And absolutely not enough. It wasn’t enough forty years ago and it most definitely is not enough now.

Here’s what happened, from my perspective. On Thursday, there’d been a rally. It was held under time and place constraints. Here, on Friday, the organisers had more space and time to show what they could do.

There were people at the door to check that everyone had RSVPed, that their name was On The List.  This felt a little bit “off”, and I almost decided to test the idea that I wouldn’t be able to get in without giving a name and email. But then they found me on one of their sheets of paper (we will come back to this).

The event was billed to start at 5pm but it was quarter past when we were called to order (we will come back to this). People were mostly sat on the chairs, talking to people they knew. There were empty seats, but also people standing at the back and the side. Perhaps 150 people?

The event started with a lovely coming-onto-the-stage led by Uncle Jack and his fellow panellists, and a welcome to country. After that, I gotta write, it was mostly downhill.

Kirsty Bevan of the Conservation Council of South Australia got things under way. The transcript could be submitted to the “I” column of UK satirical publication Private Eye. She also said that us gathering there in the evening was an “action”? Really?  Are we emptying the term “action” so far as to include these sorts of meetings?  A rally outside an AGM would, in some people’s minds, be a borderline example of an ‘action’, but a meeting counts as an action now? If the rest of the event had been good, I wouldn’t be “nit-picking” (2), but it wasn’t.

The standard line appears to be that the Santos business model is causing climate change. This is indisputable, but the question is then, how do we stop it? (3) 


Next up, Adam Bandt, formerly a Greens MP. – “together we are going to build a movement.” Again, it comes down to what you think a movement is. In my view there was basically no “movement-building” going on.

Bandt also flipped through the stump speech memes he had deployed at the rally.  “Governments don’t go to war over the sun and wind…”)  “There’s more of us than there are of them.”  And then, cringe, “Remember the Franklin Dam campaign.”  Well, about half the audience were 60 or more, and CAN remember it (it culminated in a 1983 High Court decision saying that the Hawke Federal government DID in fact have the power to over-rule the Tasmanian government on the question of a hydro-electric dam).  But maybe the example of a ‘victory’ you are pointing to is … (checks notes) … FORTY-THREE YEARS AGO then maybe – just maybe – you’re doing something wrong?

Bandt then held out the promise of the audience being able to “take a couple of actions” and that he would tell people what they were (we will come back to this).

Then, the bombshell.

Bandt quickly and casually announced that the event – which had been advertised as a Q&A would not, in fact, have q and a,  because there wasn’t enough time

This was astonishing, and absolutely – in my opinion – deadly for the credibility of ACF and CCSA as campaigning organisations.

They had advertised it as such. They had the venue for two hours. They started fifteen minutes late for no apparent reason. Nothing was stopping them holding the advertised Q&A.

This was a brazen bait-and-switch

Either they never intended to do a Q&A, or they did but some OTHER reason stopped them and they were too scared/embarrassed to say what that was. So they came out with the “lack of time” excuse instead and relied on everyone being too polite to make a big deal of this.

Why am I making a big deal of this?

Because “we” are supposed to be better than the lying conniving exploitative extractive assholes who are trashing the planet

“We” are supposed to be honest, competent etc

Either they never intended to do it, or “something came up.” I am not sure which is worse. It simply cannot have been a lack of time. That is a brazen lie and it is shameful that Bandt had such a low opinion of the audience that he thought it would fly. The only thing more shameful is that the audience went along with this. So much for their self-respect.

Then followed the speeches from the First Nations representatives, which almost redeemed the whole sorry show. Almost, but not quite.

For me, the key call was from Kara Kinchella.  “We have to do better than we’re doing.”

Quite.


But on the evidence of this awful event, which was pure ego-fodder, we are NOT doing better, and we seem not to know or care.

Bandt then did a “conversation” style thing with the three speakers, making sure to interject favoured campaign factoids (Santos has had sales of $47bn over the last ten years, and paid zero company tax.”

At just after six pm (with the venue available for another hour!) Krsty Bevan drew the formal event to a close.  Almost. There was still time for Bandt to claim that there were “a few hundred of us here tonight” (nope).  And that we should all sign a petition and saying “I look forward to seeing you at the next rally.”

It was (to me) fascinating that the impending (mid-May) Australian Energy Providers annual conference was NOT mentioned. Could it be that ACF and the CCSA are afraid of bad publicity because of those “bomb-throwers” of Extinction Rebellion? 

The final, inevitable, invocation was to stay, listen to some music and buy a beer “talk to each other” – having done precisely nothing to design the meeting around making it easier for people who came not knowing anyone to talk to strangers.

Some people did stick around, but I was not the only one heading for the door. And at the tram stop I met someone who’d been at the same event and we compared notes, agreeing that it had been intensely top-down, designed it seemed to us mostly about gratifying the egos of the comperes (this is distinct from the panellists) and harvesting contact data for future use. 

I will write again about all this, but I have a couple of (well, four) closing thoughts to share.

First, there was a kind of ‘love-bombing’ going on (so much so that it gave me flashbacks to a late 1980s ‘Festival of Light’ meeting I went to(4). Repeated effusive (fulsome, in the original sense) thanks for attending, but without any attempt to say thank you in a meaningful way (i.e. by enabling people to form or strengthen the kind of weak ties (as per Granovetter) that make a movement.

Second – some of those people present – especially ones who are already plugged into networks –  DID have a good time, did have a kind of bonding/re-charging of their batteries.  But so what? that’s not enough, and certainly not enough compared to what could have been done. It all has a vibe of the animals singing Beasts of England to soothe themselves after the latest evidence of their defeat at the hands of the pigs and the dogs. (That’s an Animal Farm reference)

Third – if people who attended are turned into ego-fodder, if they leave without new connections, new ideas, then whatever hopium the organisers have ‘inserted’ into them fades and they have to come back for more, or they just to give up. 

Fourth – there is an irony in all this. We (the good people) are opposed to Evil Organisations who disregard the skills and lived experiences of local people, who see those people only as in the way or simply usable as resources. But when the same dynamic – top down, extractive, is used by nominally different campaigning organisations, we are so colonised, so desperate to believe in a Brighter Future, that we don’t even see the dynamic.

So what happened and why does it keep happening?

So why did I write this?

 For the shiggles. Because a couple of people said they were curious. Because I am not writing enough.

What response do I expect?

For the most part, absolute silence.

For the next part, indifference, derision and ad hominems.

For the next smallest part, willful incomprehension and counter-“attacks” that set up various strawmen and knock them down.

So, WHY did I write this?

I don’t know. Habit? Despair?

Other posts on the same theme

Footnotes 

  1. There is a limit to how much ‘defensive writing’ you can do, in order to try to maintain a conversation with people who are – in my experience – absolutely determined NOT to have a conversation about these issues (namely the ongoing failures of ‘big’ green organisations).  The more you try to anticipate their responses (again, not replies) and neutralise them, the more time and energy you waste, the more reader(s?)-bandwidth you take up, the more you allow low-rent people to live rent-free in your head. And for what?  So, foregrounding the ‘good’ stuff (which ain’t that good) is my only conscious attempt to frame this in ways ‘acceptable’ to the ‘right’ people. They’re not reading, and if they’re reading they’re not taking it in, and if they’re taking it in then they’ve not been doing anything, and will continue not to. What was that about ‘rent-free”? Sigh.
  2. Words matter. And they reveal how we conceptualise the world, and our actions. Gathering for a meeting as “action” my very fat arse.
  3. Also, if you’re doing housekeeping, perhaps actually ask someone from the venue where the toilets are?
  4. Don’t ask.
Categories
Activism Australia Energy

Rallying the troops – the “Stop Santos” rally April 16, 2026.

Around 150 people gathered outside the Adelaide Convention Centre to ‘welcome’ delegates to the Annual General Meeting of the oil and gas company Santos. Marc Hudson investigates.

The Adelaide Convention Centre sits on North Terrace. The only thing between it and the South Australian parliament is a railway station. I mention this because in September 1977 there was an election for the right to sit in that parliament. During that election questions of mining, and energy, were high on the agenda.

One party – we will come back to which – had the following as its policy statement on this.

Fast-forward 49 years and Santos, (an acronym for South Australia and Northern Territory Oil Search) the oil and gas company that some say has a disproportionate influence on South Australia’s politics, is holding its Annual General Meeting.  Around 200 people gathered for a protest rally organised by a group of environmental and social justice organisations including the Australian Conservation Foundation, Action Aid and the Conservation Council of South Australia.

Under the watchful (and occasionally baleful) eye of plentiful South Australian police, delegates and protestors shared the same escalator up to the entrance of the convention centre. 

Four protestors, in mock business suits, were on the pavement at the foot of the escalator.

All held signs and one, Ian, from Extinction Rebellion, chomped on a cigar. He explained the purpose of the protest –

“We’re here because Santos is the biggest company in South Australia. They’re having their AGM today. The shareholders will be here, and they are running programmes, projects around the country and overseas that are impacting the environment, that are impacting and overriding the rights of indigenous people. If anybody stands in front of them, they will take them to court. They’ve constantly taken indigenous people to court, and they keep appealing any decisions they lose. So we’re here to call them out. We’re here to support the First Nations people, but we’re also letting the public know that we believe Santos pays no tax. Hasn’t paid business tax for last 10 years. They pay very little money in donations to the government, and they always get what they want from government.”

(full interview transcript at the foot of this post]

Up the escalator, on the plaza outside the entrance the Convention Centre (the inevitable vast panes of glass – the banal calling card of global corporate architecture), thronged various people with placards and t-shirts bearing blunt messages (not all of them entirely safe for work). Various TV and print journalists scurried around, with police ‘liaison’ officers mingling too.  (See InDaily’s report here).

There was a brief welcome to country, delivered first in a First Nations language and then in English – “Because we all family, right? Yeah, happy together. I’m strong like the ground, like the country, and we’re soft like water too. So I bring you all here in the spirit of humanity. That’s my mom’s words.”

The speeches  at the rally were necessarily brief, (and there was a telling absence from the line-up, of which more later).

The MC (who did well!) was at pains to get all those present to be aware of – and repeat out loud, twice – the fact that the speakers from today’s rally would be at an event – No New Gas! Q&A with Frontline Traditional Owners and Adam Bandt – Conservation Council SA – tomorrow (Friday 17th April) at the Lion Arts Factory, 68 North Terrace, from 5.00pm, where more detail would be delivered, and more ways to be involved in the various campaigns.

Adam Bandt, formerly a member of parliament for the Australian Greens, and now CEO of the Australian Conservation Foundation, kept his remarks brief. Gas, he said, is as dirty as coal (this in response to the messaging – pushed by Santos and many others, that gas is somehow a ‘transition’ fuel). He said that gas was driving the climate crisis and pointed (as did a later speaker) to the algal bloom that is wreaking havoc on the wildlife in the oceans of South Australia (and on the livelihoods of those who rely on fishing, tourism etc). Bandt pointed to the hotter summers and ever more sever heatwaves, to waters sources being under threat.  He concluded his remarks by saying that Australia has solar and wind sources that are the envy of other nations, that governments don’t go to war over solar and wind and that Australia should be aiming for energy independence. He also, – and this will not have endeared him to the delegates – proposed healthy taxation of Santos’s profits.

Adam Bandt

Next up was Uncle Jack Green, of the Northern Territory, where he and his kin have been confronting the Mcarthur River Mine.  His comments were brief, but compelling. He reminded those present that the mines threaten the water, and that “we live on that water – doesn’t matter who you are, cattle, human, kangaroo.”

The next speaker was Kara Kinchella (sp?), whom I believe (will correct if wrong) of the Gomeroi traditional owners from New South Wales. A coalition of groups, made up of  Gomeroi Traditional Owners, NSW Farmers, the Country Women’s Association of NSW, Unions NSW and the Lock the Gate Alliance, have created the Breeza Declaration. (can’t find online, but this is the closest I got)

Her takeaway message – “we need to get angry, before it’s too late.”

The penultimate speaker (it was clear that the event had started late, and the rally would therefore be somewhat truncated)  was Joseph, from Papua New Guinea, where both Santos and the French company Total have operations. Total has managed to get permission – and here Jospeh quoted from a newspaper article ‘to discharge waste into the environment’. As he pointed out, the waste kills the fish, the prawns and poisons the land – this is a human rights abuse issue. He got a full-throated cheer from the crowd for his suggestion that “if it’s safe, take all the waste and dump it in Paris, at the Eiffel Tower.”  He closed saying “Santos, you are responsible, don’t do this.”

There was a short break for a group photo, and to send the various delegates into the AGM to ask their questions. The final speaker was Kirsty Bevan, of the Conservation Council of South Australia. 

She said she is often asked “why South Australia?” (with, I think, the implication in the question being that SA is a backwater and people here have the luxury of thinking that nothing they do matters) She said that she always replies that Santos has its HQ here, but also, beyond this, there problem is not one for the future but rather one of the

“crises that we’re seeing play out in front of us. It’s not a future problem, it’s a now problem, and we’re seeing extreme weather events. Our surface water temperatures in the ocean have risen by 2.5 degrees, well above the normal, which is what has resulted in the algal bloom, which we’re entering our second year.” (you can read the full transcript at the foot of this post.)

Earlier I alluded to a missing speaker.  So, who was absent from the line-up?  Well, this is NOT a criticism of the organisers, merely a reflection of the reality we live in – where were the union figures willing and able to speak out on the dangers of continued extraction of oil, coal and gas?  There have always been tensions – sometimes managed well, sometimes not – between organised labour and environmental movements. There have been Green Bans, environmentally-inspired pushes for Full Employment, dreams of a “Green Gold Rush” around “green jobs” and climate jobs” (something Australian Conservation Foundation pushed in the early 1990s and late 2000s respectively – the second time with the peak body for Australian Trades Unions).  But today, for whatever reason, no union rep was to be heard.

In 1977 Australia was in the midst of a debate about uranium mining and the export of uranium to countries with nuclear reactors. There was then (as there is now) talk of nuclear power for Australia. Which party had that manifesto commitment? It wasn’t the Greens – they would not exist until the early 1990s, brought into existence from one-betrayal-too-many from the Australian Labor Party. It wasn’t Labor. It wasn’t the Liberals (though there were Liberal figures pushing for renewables research and development.) Reader, it was the National Country Party, now known as the Nationals.

In 1977 the amount of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere stood at roughly 333 parts per million.  Carbon dioxide traps heat on the earth’s surface. The more there is in the air, the more heat is trapped. Today, in 2026, the CO2 levels are at almost 100ppm above that –  430ppm. They are climbing faster and faster each year. More heat is trapped. More consequences for our past inaction – stretching back long before 1977 – pile up for present and future generations.

My two cents:  There really is only so much you can do to innovate with the format of a rally like this, especially when time is tight. Tomorrow afternoon, at the Lion Arts Theatre, it will be easier to see if there is the kind of innovation in how activists hold events that is desperately required.  Watch this space.

Further reading

Adelaide University considers dropping Santos name – News | InDaily, Inside South Australia

Royce Kurmelovs Slick Australia’s toxic relationship with Big Oil k

Transcript of interview with Extinction Rebellion person.

Marc – It’s 16th of April, 2026, I’m outside the Convention Centre. I’m talking to two men in business suits “representing” Santos. One of them has a cigar, as per photo. You’re from extinction rebellion. Why are you here today?

Ian – We’re here because Santos is the biggest company in South Australia. They’re having their AGM today. The shareholders will be here, and they are running programmes, projects around the country and overseas that are impacting the environment, that are impacting and overriding the rights of indigenous people. If anybody stands in front of them, they will take them to court. They’ve constantly taken indigenous people to court, and they keep appealing any decisions they lose. So we’re here to call them out. We’re here to support the First Nations people, but we’re also letting the public know that we believe Santos pays no tax. Hasn’t paid business tax for last 10 years. They pay very little money in donations to the government, and they always get what they want from government.

Marc – And what next for after today? How does the campaign against what Santos is doing continue?

Ian – Okay, in May, we have the Australian Energy Producers conference here in Adelaide that is the lobby group for the oil and gas industry in Australia. All the CEOs will be here, and government ministers will be here. They’ll be here for four days. So we’ll be here to disrupt them.

Marc – I seem to recall, at the last AEP meeting in Adelaide two or three years ago, there were protests that ended up with the Malinauskus government changing the laws. Any comment?

Ian -We’ll do whatever we have to do. We’ll keep doing it because they are not changing. The government is going down the path that Santos tells them to go down, and we’ll keep resisting.

Transcript of rest of Kirsty Bevan speech

It is so important that South Australians stand up and declare that we are not responsible for the climate crisis. As individuals, there are organisations and there are companies who are contributing every day to an accelerated changing climate, whether they’re digging that gas out of the ground which releases greenhouse gases, whether they’re burning it to turn it into liquid gas to export it overseas, they are releasing greenhouse gases which are all contributing to the climate crisis. This part is not under question.

So what do we do? We get them to pay, not the South Australian public. We get them to play for the crisis that’s resulting and our algal bloom, which the report we did at the Conservation Council, we submitted a report that showed that in the first 12 months conservatively, the economic impact of the bloom was around 250 million that’s a quarter of a billion dollars. And who bears the cost of that? We do.

Our role here in South Australia is so important, and we need two fronts at the federal level. We need to show that we are united and that they have a strong voice, that the federal government needs to stop any future expansions of gas and in South Australia, we need to make a firm stand to say that Santos is not a household name. We need to stop promoting Santos at our climate friendly events like the Tour Down Under. We need to stop promoting Santos in our universities and on public land, and we need to stand together to show that we won’t stand for it.

And the government needs to make a change. You can all join up to the Conservation Council’s programme. There’s some people around with their placards out, their hands up, come sign your name, be a part. Showing up to these events is what makes it really matter. But we will continue to hold the government to account. And I thank every single person here today for coming out. Thank you”

Categories
UNFCCC United States of America

Trump vs UNFCCC and physics

The world revolves around Washington. It was there, in May 1953, that Canadian physicist Gilbert Plass warned a scientific conference that the carbon dioxide being put into the atmosphere when humans burnt ever more oil, coal and gas would heat the planet, with the impacts being obvious by the century.

It was there in November 1965 that President Johnson’s Science Advisory Committee released a report saying Plass’s concerns might well be justified.

It was there in January 1982 at another scientific meeting that at American and German scientists warned “the signs are so ominous that we must expect (a large climatic impact) and take action to avoid it.”

And it was there, on Thursday, that The Trump administration announced its intention to pull out of both the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), alongside many other organisations.

By the late 1970s the build up of carbon dioxide was attracting serious attention by ever more alarmed scientists (see, for example, the 1979-1982 CO2 Newsletter I recently uncovered). President Carter’s science advisor asked skeptical scientists to “kick the tires” on these views. The “Charney Report,” produced to meet this request said they could find no reason to doubt that if the amount of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere doubled, then there would be a warning of anywhere between 1.5 to 3  degrees.

The incoming Reagan administration was uninterested (or, hostile) to these concerns.  By 1985 two things had changed. The scientific consensus around carbon dioxide build-up as a problem had become even firmer,  and thanks to the discovery of the Ozone Hole, the credibility of atmospheric scientists was sky-high (sorry about that, but it was there and I had to use it). After a pivotal meeting in Villach, Austria scientists grabbed every alarm lever they could, and pulled. In December, Carl Sagan gave his famous, gripping, testimony, In… Washington.

Various senators, including a certain Democrat of Delaware by the name of Joe Biden, put forward “Climate Protection” Bills.

Speaking to reporters after giving testimony in Washington (where else?) in June 1988, scientist James Hansen famously said “it’s time to stop waffling and say that the greenhouse effect is here.” 

Well, if there HAS to be a treaty…

1989 saw a flurry of  international summits, both specifically on climate, and “sustainable development” more generally. Not coincidentally, the “Global Climate Coalition”, made up of mostly but not exclusively US oil companies, automobile makers and other usual suspects (on their attacks on the IPCC, which the Trump administration is also pulling out of, see here). 

As I wrote when President George HW Bush died, the US could have got in on the ground floor. He didn’t. Once the push for a treaty became inevitable, the Americans decided to make the best of it, and prevent outcomes that would be too challenging (some within the US Department of State had felt bruised over the speed of a treaty to protect the Ozone Layer, a few years earlier.)

The main sticking point for the Americans – and there were competing factions within the Bush administration, which led to some whiplash statements and negotiating positions, at least until the “skeptics” won – was that targets and timetables for emissions reductions by rich nations were not to be included in the any climate treaty. As Bush repeatedly and publicly said  “American way of life is not negotiable.”

Only once the offending targets and timetables by rich countries were removed from the negotiating text did the Bush Administration agree that Bush would attend the Rio Earth Summit and sign the “United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change.”

Article 2 of that treaty makes for rueful reading now. It states that the goal is 

“to achieve, in accordance with the relevant provisions of the Convention, stabilization of greenhouse gas concentrations in the atmosphere at a level that would prevent dangerous anthropogenic interference with the climate system. Such a level should be achieved within a time-frame sufficient to allow ecosystems to adapt naturally to climate change, to ensure that food production is not threatened and to enable economic development to proceed in a sustainable manner.”

Fine words butter no parsnips.

Thirty years of dummy spits

However, the idea that rich countries, which had caused the problem and were wealthy, should go first on emissions reductions could only be delayed, not defeated. The first “Conferences of the Parties”, in early 1995 ended with the Berlin Mandate, calling on rich countries to come to the 1997 COP with a plan, which ended up being held in Kyoto Protocol.. This sparked a huge pre-emptive effort against the “Kyoto Protocol” driven by the Global Climate Coalition, with other bad-faith actors adding their two cents (some will have seen the play Kyoto, about the Climate Council), leading the US Senate to vote, 95-0 in favour of a motion that said, in effect, “we’re not cutting until poor countries agree to”

Bush’s son, “Dubya” on the campaign trail had said that power plants would need regulation to reduce carbon dioxide emissions. After he won the 2000 Presidential election by a single vote – in the Supreme Court- he pulled the US out of Kyoto (and the Global Climate Coalition shut up shop, its job done).

The US – with help from Australia – pushed a “technology will fix it” line, but once Kyoto was ratified by enough nations to become law, in 2005 (a quid pro quo with Russia, which wanted World Trade Organisation membership), then the US had to re-engage.

Famously at the 2008 G8 meeting Bush said – revealingly – “Goodbye from the world’s biggest polluter.”

The 2009 “last chance to save the world” meeting at Copenhagen ended in disarray and the next five years saw the pieces of the dropped vase were glued back together in time for the  Paris Agreement, which managed not to mention the dread words “fossil fuels.”

Trump announced in 2017 that he would pull out of the Paris Agreement.  That man Biden from 1986 re-entered in 2021, and Paris, and  introduced huge incentives for “clean tech” (renewable energy and other more dubious ventures, such as direct air capture under the “Inflation Reduction Act and other pump-priming schemes. Although the IRA should have made big business happy, they decided not to try to defend it in the face of Trump’s obvious hostility.

And now this. A couple of random observations;

As the costs pile up, and reality becomes harder and harder to ignore

The Trump administration is not doing what is in the long-term interest of American capital, which could have made more money via Biden’s IRA. While there was a “logic” to anti-Kyoto activity, this anti-climate crusade seems far more ideological

What next?

Prediction is very difficult, especially about the future. 

IF the US goes ahead and pulls out (and there’s little reason to believe they won’t – their claims should be taken both literally and seriously) then several things happen.

There will be an audible sigh of relief from Australia – especially Adelaide – that they lost out on hosting the next COP.

The various academics who critique the whole UNFCCC process as not fit for purpose will try (and sometimes fail) to keep from saying “I told you so.”

There will be a blizzard of academic papers on “multilateralism” and bilateral deals between states, with the focus switching to what cities and technologies can do.  

People invested in the COP process will insist it continues, and say the role is to keep the US seat warm for the glorious day in 2029 when a Democratic president restores “order” and “sanity.”

Regardless of what happens, we should remember the following

When Gilbert Plass made his warning, humans (mostly in the West) were pumping out about 6 billion tonnes of carbon dioxide a year, and the amount of carbon dioxide in the atmosphere was about 314ppm

When the UNFCCC was agreed, emissions were about 23 billion tonnes and the CO2 level was 355ppm

Today, despite all the pledges, all the renewables and so forth, we are pumping out about 40 billion tonnes, and the CO2 in the atmosphere is 428ppm, and galloping upwards.

More emissions means more CO2 hanging around in the atmosphere. More CO2 means more heat in the Earth System, means more extreme weather events and – between them – a remorseless rise in temperatures, with all that that entails.